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Operation Car Wash Operação Lava Jato | |||||||||||||
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Clockwise from top left: Headquarters of Petrobras in Rio de Janeiro; Emblem of the Federal Police of Brazil; Deltan Dallagnol with Rodrigo Janot; Odebrecht logo; Federal Police in an operation; Judge Sergio Moro | |||||||||||||
Country: | Brazil | ||||||||||||
Active: | 17 March 2014 – 1 February 2021 | ||||||||||||
Primary judge: |
Sergio Moro Mar 2014 – Nov 2018 | ||||||||||||
Lead prosecutor: |
Deltan Dallagnol Mar 2014 – Sept 2020[1] | ||||||||||||
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Under investigation: | 429 individuals[9] | ||||||||||||
Indicted: | 429[9] | ||||||||||||
Convicted: | 159[9] | ||||||||||||
Companies involved: | 18[9] | ||||||||||||
Countries involved: | at least 11[10] | ||||||||||||
Misappropriated Petrobras funds: | R$6.2 billion[11] (US$2.5 billion[12]: 16 ) | ||||||||||||
Reimbursement requested by Petrobras: | R$46.3 billion[13]: 147 (c. US$9 billion) | ||||||||||||
Recovered funds: | R$3.28 billion[9][11]: 17 [13]: 321 (US$912 million[12]: 17 ) | ||||||||||||
Penalties paid by Petrobras: |
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Operation Car Wash (Portuguese: Operação Lava Jato, Brazilian Portuguese pronunciation: [opeɾɐˈsɐ̃w lavɐ ˈʒatu]) was a landmark anti-corruption probe in Brazil.[14][15] Beginning in March 2014 as the investigation of a small car wash in Brasília over money laundering, the proceedings uncovered a massive corruption scheme in the Brazilian federal government, particularly in state-owned enterprises. The probe was conducted through a joint task force of agents in the federal police, revenue collection agency, internal audit office and antitrust regulator. Evidence was collected and presented to the court system by a team of federal prosecutors led by Deltan Dallagnol, while the judge in charge of the operation was Sergio Moro. Eventually, other federal prosecutors and judges would go on to oversee related cases under their jurisdictions in various Brazilian states. The operation implicated leading businessmen, federal congressmen, senators, state governors, federal government ministers, and former presidents Collor, Temer and Lula. Companies and individuals accused of involvement have agreed to pay 25 billion reais in fines and restitution of embezzled public funds.[16]
According to investigators, political appointees in state-owned enterprises systematically extorted bribes from private-sector suppliers. Part of these bribes was channeled to political parties (particularly the MDB, PT, PSDB and PP),[17] in order to illegally fund political campaigns (via caixa dois), as well as for personal gain.[18]: 60 The largest amounts of bribes were detected in oil giant Petrobras; company directors negotiated with contractors to receive illegal kickbacks ranging from 1% to 5% of disbursements.[19] Due to its pervasiveness in Petrobras, the scandal is also known as Petrolão (Portuguese for "big oil").[20] Investigators have also stated that contractors formed a cartel, involving the country's largest engineering conglomerates such as Odebrecht, Grupo OAS, Andrade Gutierrez, and Carioca Engenharia, to share government contracts among themselves and collude with corrupt politicians. Allegedly, the cartel also operated in contracts signed directly with government agencies, in projects such as the construction of football stadiums for the 2014 World Cup, the Angra 3 nuclear power plant, the Belo Monte dam, and the North-South and Fiol railways.[21][22] Prosecutors also tracked overseas operations, and cooperated with authorities from 61 countries, among which Switzerland, the United States and Peru were the most frequent collaborating parties.[19]
Appeals against rulings by Judge Sergio Moro were processed in the Brazilian justice system, in which the Supreme Federal Court (STF) is the court of last resort. Some of the contested issues were the stage at which convicted defendants would begin to serve their sentences, and the extensive use of plea bargains by prosecutors. In a 2016 decision penned by STF judge Teori Zavascki, the Court found that prison terms should be served once a sentence was confirmed by the local appeals court. This was welcomed by prosecutors as an incentive against illegal practices.[23] Teori Zavascki, the judge overseeing the prosecution, died in a plane crash off the coast of Paraty, in January 2017, and the investigation lost a key backer in the Supreme Federal Court.[24] In 2019, the STF reverted its ruling, and decided that prison sentences only take effect in Brazil after all possible appeals to higher courts are exhausted.[25]
In January 2019, Sergio Moro announced that he would resign from his position as a federal judge, to join the incoming administration of right-wing President Jair Bolsonaro as Justice Minister. This move drew criticism, since Moro had sentenced former President Lula, Bolsonaro's leading rival in the presidential race. Moro fell out of favor with Bolsonaro and left his post in April 2020.[26] He was replaced as the judge in the case by Luiz Bonat.[27]
The probe's reputation was further damaged by revelations arising from a leak of personal conversations between investigators by hacker Walter Delgatti. Delgatti hacked the online communications of investigative authorities over Telegram groups. Dubbed Vaza Jato, the leak purports to expose undue pre-trial coordination between Judge Moro and prosecutors in the case to produce evidence, direct hearings and discuss possible sentencing.[28] The hacking leak was published in the press by The Intercept Brasil and journalist Glenn Greenwald, who claimed that Moro passed on "advice, investigative leads, and inside information to the prosecutors" to "prevent Lula's Workers' Party from winning" the 2018 Brazilian general election.[29] Moro and Dallagnol deny any wrongdoing; they maintain that the contents of the leak have not been confirmed and that, furthermore, no proof of illegal conduct was present in the leaks.[30][31] Nevertheless, the leaks marked a shift in public opinion, having caused the investigation to lose support.[32] The taskforce was officially disbanded on 1 February 2021.[33][34]
Over time, the methods of prosecutors came under strong criticism from Supreme Federal Court judges. In March 2019, judge Gilmar Mendes referred, in a Court session, to Operation Car Wash investigators as "gangsters and scum", adding that their "methods dishonor institutions".[35] In September 2023, STF judge Dias Toffoli stated that the arrest of President Lula was a "setup", "one of the gravest errors in the country's judicial history", and declared all evidence obtained from a settlement with Odebrecht null and void, adding that Operation Car Wash acted as a "21st century pau de arara".[36] Chief prosecutor Augusto Aras believes that Operation Car Wash left a "cursed legacy".[37]
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