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History of Christianity

UndercoverClassicist

Buidhe

In 1187, at the battle of Hattin, the Muslim leader Saladin (1171–1192) conquered Jerusalem.[1]



High Middle Ages

put women here?


[2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7]


  • Ullmann, W. (1965). "The Papacy as an Institution of Government in the Middle Ages". Studies in Church History (2): 78–101. doi:10.1017/S0424208400005131.


  • Møller, Jørgen; Doucette, Jonathan Stavnskær (2022). The Catholic Church and European State Formation, AD 1000-1500. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780192857118.


  • Logan, F. Donald (2013). A History of the Church in the Middle Ages (illustrated ed.). Routledge. ISBN 9780415669948.
  • Rosenwein, Barbara H. (2014). A Short History of the Middle Ages. Vol. 1 (fourth ed.). University of Toronto Press. ISBN 9781442606111.
  • Jordan, William Chester (2004). Europe in the High Middle Ages (reprint ed.). Penguin. ISBN 9781101650912.




Arts

    • ADD Matthews and Platt

Women

"Between 1100 and 1500, the "inadequacy of women to think, to make moral judgments, to endure hardship, to exercise authority, and to lead" was generally accepted.[8] In the church, women were excluded from taking Holy Orders and had no access to education within the institutions of the church. There were some women in nunneries who became extremely distinguished.[8]

"While the papacy was turning into a monarchy, other rulers – some of them women, such as Matilda of Canossa – were beginning to turn their territories into states. They discovered ideologies to justify their hegemony, hired officials to work for them, and found vassals and churchmen to support them."[9]

"Women partook in this seemingly all-male world in ways large and small. Countess Matilda, key to the success of Gregory VII, was also deeply involved in the building of the cathedral of Modena, which lay in her territory. Other women took advantage of the new learning of the schools; Abelard fell in love with one of the best-educated women of his day, Heloise, who shared in his philosophical breakthroughs. Other women partook in the new religious fervor of the era, and women’s reformed monasteries proliferated at the same time as those of men. Women were involved in the crusades – as wives, as prostitutes, as suppliers of retinues, and as members (though probably not as warriors) of the military orders. But in the next century (as we shall see in Chapter 6) they, like so many others, found themselves increasingly silenced by sometimes overwhelming forces of conformity and intolerance."[10]

cult of the Virgin Mary[11]

Concordat of Worms (1122) Divides the investiture ritual into two, one part granting the spiritual office, the other the material things that go with it.


    • social structures - Almohads begin to displace Almoravids

1145

the Age of Innocent

Pope Innocent III (Latin: Innocentius III; 22 February 1161 – 16 July 1216),[1] born Lotario dei Conti di Segni (anglicized as Lothar of Segni), was the head of the Catholic Church and ruler of the Papal States from 8 January 1198 until his death on 16 July 1216.

- Reign of Saladin 1171–1192 In 1187, at the battle of Hattin, the Muslim leader Saladin (1171–1192) conquered Jerusalem.{{sfn|Rosenwein|2014|p=212}


Death of Frederick II 1250 Grandson of Frederick Barbarossa, he tries mightily to unify Sicily with Germany, but his ambitions are thwarted by the papacy (which even declares a crusade against him), and he loses the adherence of the German princes. After his death, Italy and Germany are no longer linked as an empire.






"Although the Germanic tribes that forcibly migrated into southern and western Europe in the 5th century were ultimately converted to Christianity, they retained many of their customs and ways of life. "

"The Migration period lasted from the fall of Rome to about the year 1000, with a brief hiatus during the flowering of the Carolingian court "




Title "Reitervölker im Frühmittelalter : Hunnen - Awaren - Ungarn" Statement of Responsibility Bodo Anke, László Révész, Tivadar Vida Publisher Theiss Publication Year c2008 page- #?? "From around 780, Europe saw the last of the barbarian invasions[12] and became more socially and politically organized".



The Papacy as an Institution of Government in the Middle Ages WALTER ULLMANN

  • Ullmann, Walter (1965). "The Papacy as an Institution of Government in the Middle Ages". Studies in Church History (2): 78–101. doi:10.1017/S0424208400005131.

divergent views[13]

principles of government animating the mediaeval papacy[14]



    • can't USE

Momentous changes in economic and political structures were taking place.[15]

Medieval Christian life was characterised by the creative dialectical processes in parishes and universities, among men and women, learned people and illiterate enthusiasts, in toleration and violent aggression, and by uniformity and diversity". [16]

Momentous changes in economic and political structures were taking place.[15]

The Magyars ceased their expansion in the 10th century, and by the year 1000, a Christian Kingdom of Hungary had become a recognized state in Central Europe that was forming alliances with regional powers. With the brief exception of the Mongol invasions in the 13th century, major nomadic incursions ceased.




  • Croke, Brian (2020). "Looking, Listening and Learning: Justinian's Hagia Sophia". In Gador-Whyte, Sarah; Mellas, Andrew (eds.). Hymns, Homilies and Hermeneutics in Byzantium. Vol. 25. Brill. pp. 139–167. ISBN 978-90-04-43956-6.

[17]


[18]




Before Christianity, the wealthy elite of Rome mostly donated to civic programs designed to elevate their status, though personal acts of kindness to the poor were not unheard of.[19][20][21] Salzman writes that the Roman practice of civic euergetism ("philanthropy publicly directed toward one's city or fellow citizens") influenced Christian charity.{{sfn|Salzman|2017|pp=65–85}

Twenty-first century thinking in sociology suggests Christianity's "new ideas" first spread among non-elites.[22][23]

Apostolic Age (30 - 100) when the first apostles were still alive.{{sfn|Schaff|!!! can't find page numbers!!!

  • {{cite book |last1=Schaff |first1=Philip |author-link1=Philip Schaff |orig-year=1867|year=2022 |title=History of the Christian Church |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y6fBpjjN64sC |volume=2: Ante-Nicene Christianity. A.D. 100–325 |publisher=Books on Demand|isbn=9783752572445|edition=reprint}


  • Dickson, John (2021). Bullies and Saints: An Honest Look at the Good and Evil of Christian History. Zondervan. ISBN 978-0310118367.

[24]

This period was diverse in terms of beliefs and practices, and experienced frequent change that sometimes resulted in internecine conflicts and syncretic adoption.[25]

ADD:

  • Raschle, Christian R.; Dijkstra, Jitse H. F., eds. (2020). Religious Violence in the Ancient World From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781108849210.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
  • Bremmer, Jan N. (2020). "2". In Raschle, Christian R.; Dijkstra, Jitse H. F. (eds.). Religious Violence in the Ancient World From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781108849210.
  • Brown, Peter (1998). "21 Christianization and religious conflict". In Garnsey, Peter; Cameron, Averil (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History, volume 13. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521302005.
  • Thompson, Glen L. (28 June 2012). "Constantius II and the first removal of the Altar of Victory". In Aubert, Jean-Jacques; Várhelyi, Zsuzsanna (eds.). A Tall Order. Writing the Social History of the Ancient World: Essays in honor of William V. Harris (illustrated ed.). Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 9783110931419.

Salzman, M.R., The Making of a Christian Aristocracy: Social and Religious Change in the Western Roman Empire (2002), p. 182

Kaegi, W. E. 1966. "The fifth-century twilight of Byzantine paganism", Classica et Mediaevalia 27(1), 243-75

    • REDO **

Overt pagan-Christian religious conflict was once the dominant view of Late Antiquity.[26] Twenty-first-century scholarship indicates that, while hostile Christian actions toward pagans and their monuments did occur, they were not a general phenomenon.[27][28][29] Jan N. Bremmer writes that "religious violence in Late Antiquity is mostly restricted to violent rhetoric".[30]

According to Peter Brown, it is anti-pagan legislation that forms the "religious drama" of the fourth-century Roman empire.[31] Non-Christians were subject to a variety of hostile and discriminatory imperial laws aimed at suppressing sacrifice and magic and closing any temples that continued their use.[32] Blood sacrifice was abhorrent to Christians, but it had been a central rite of virtually all religious groups in the pre-Christian Mediterranean.[33] Scott Bradbury writes that "Its gradual disappearance is one of the most significant religious developments of late antiquity" and "must be attributed to the atmosphere created by imperial and episcopal hostility".[34]

Polytheism in the Roman Empire had been slowly declining for centuries, but Constantine and his successors did not bring about its end.[35] Despite threatening imperial laws, occasional mob violence, and imperial confiscations of temple treasures, paganism remained widespread into the early fifth century, continuing in parts of the empire into the seventh century, and into the ninth century in Greece.[36][37][38][note 1]

There was no legislation forcing the conversion of pagans until the sixth-century, during the reign of the Eastern emperor Justinian I, when there was a shift from generalized legislation to actions that targeted individual centers of paganism.[43][44][45]



Through the severe anti-pagan legislation of the Law Codes of Justinian, "the freedom of conscience that had been the major benchmark set by the Edict of Milan was finally abolished".[46]


[47]

[48]


While some historians have focused on cataclysmic events such as the destruction of the Serapeum at Alexandria, archaeology indicates the Serapeum was the only Graeco-Roman temple in Egypt violently destroyed in this period.[49][50]

The anti-pagan legislation of the Christian emperors drew on the same polemical rhetoric that modern scholars are now all too aware of their limitations as historical evidence.[51]

and the institution of the Law Codes of Justinian

Paganism had been slowly declining for centuries, but Constantine and his successors did not bring about its end.[35]


"There are many signs that a healthy paganism continued into the fifth century, and in some places, into the sixth and beyond.[52]: 108–110 [37][53] [54]: 165–167  [55]: 156 

The decline of paganism in most places was peaceful and non-confrontational.[56]

Sources are filled with episodes of conflict between pagans and Christians.[57][26]

Yet sources conflict. Eusebius credited Constantine with destroying pagan temples. The ancient chronicler Malalas also wrote that Constantine destroyed all the temples, and that Theodosius destroyed them all, and that Constantine converted all the temples to churches.[58] Archaeological research has confirmed the destruction of only 4 of the 43 temples attested to in written sources.[59][60]

Roman temples in Egypt are "among the best preserved in the ancient world".[49][50])

Imperial religious laws defined and punished the activities of pagans, apostates, heretics and Jews.[61]: 10–19  Their language is uniformly vehement and the penalties are harsh and frequently horrifying.[62]

Events were dramatized in the historical record for ideological reasons.

From Constantine forward, the Christian intelligentsia wrote of Christianity as fully triumphant over paganism despite Christians representing only ten to fifteen percent of the empire's population in 313.[63][64]

Ramsay MacMullen writes that this has misrepresented religious history.[65]: 4 


CHAPTER 21 CHRISTIANIZATION AND RELIGIOUS CONFLICT PETER BROWN

"From Gibbon and Burckhardt to the present day, it has been assumed that the end of paganism was inevitable once confronted ... by threats and disabilities, if not by the direct use of force."[26]

Christian hostility toward pagans and their monuments is seen by most twenty-first-century scholars as far from the general phenomenon that the law and literature implies.[27][66]: 2 

"The most potent social and religious drama in the fourth-century Roman empire was not conversion - it was triumph... Most Christians were content with a 'minimalist' definition of the triumph of their church."[31]

"In many areas, polytheists were not molested as long as they kept their beliefs to themselves in front of Christians; and, apart from a few ugly incidents of local violence, die Jewish communities enjoyed a century of stable, even privileged existence. Both non-Christian groups enjoyed a tolerance based on contempt."[67]

"Rather than becoming uniformly 'Christianized', the Roman empire remained a land of religious contrasts."[67]


From: Persecution of pagans


[note 2]

paganism slowly declined for a full two centuries[68]: xv 



Christians of the fourth-century believed Constantine's conversion was evidence the Christian God had conquered the Hellenist gods in Heaven.[69][63][64] This "triumph of Christianity" became the primary Christian narrative in writings of the late antique age despite Christians representing only ten to fifteen percent of the empire's population in 313. As a minority, triumph did not, generally, involve an increase in violence aimed at the polytheistic majority.[70][71]


"According to Salzman: "Although the debate on the death of paganism continues, scholars ...by and large, concur that the once dominant notion of overt pagan-Christian religious conflict cannot fully explain the texts and artifacts or the social, religious, and political realities of Late Antique Rome".[66]: 2 

"Bayliss states that the Christian sources have greatly influenced perceptions of this period, to the extent that the impression of the conflict which they create has led scholars to assume that the conflict existed on an empire-wide level.[72] However, archaeological evidence indicates that the decline of paganism was peaceful in many places throughout the empire, for example Athens, was relatively non-confrontational.[56]

According to Bayliss, this fact means that the archaeological evidence might show that Christian responsibility for the destruction of temples has been exaggerated.[73]"

"Brown and others such as Noel Lenski[74] and Glen Bowersock say that "For all their propaganda, Constantine and his successors did not bring about the end of paganism".[35]


It continued.[75][76]


Previously undervalued similarities in language, society, religion, and the arts, as well as current archaeological research, indicate that paganism slowly declined for a full two centuries and more in some places, thereby offering an argument for the ongoing vibrancy of Roman culture in late antiquity, and its continued unity and uniqueness long after the reign of Constantine.[68]: xv "

Conflict was more rhetorical than actual, with a few exceptions.[77][30][78]Cite error: There are <ref> tags on this page without content in them (see the help page).

  • Muir, Steven C. (2006). "10: "Look how they love one another" Early Christian and Pagan Care for the sick and other charity". Religious Rivalries in the Early Roman Empire and the Rise of Christianity. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. ISBN 978-0-88920-536-9.
  • Hart, David Bentley (2009). Atheist Delusions: The Christian Revolution and Its Fashionable Enemies (unabridged ed.). New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-15564-8.


  • Scholer, David M. (1993). Women in Early Christianity (illustrated ed.). Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-81531-074-7.
  • {{cite book| last=Langlands| first=Rebecca| title=Sexual Morality in Ancient Rome|year=2006| publisher=Cambridge University Press| location=Cambridge, UK| isbn=978-0-521-85943-1}

[81]



User talk:Seltaeb Eht

User talk:Phlsph7


Just Another Cringy Username

User talk: Diannaa

Tunica molesta

Leviticus 18

Christianization

Historical reliability of the Gospels Add minority view:

Gathercole, Simon. "The Alleged Anonymity of the Canonical Gospels." The Journal of Theological Studies 69.2 (2018): 447-476.

Bauckham, Richard. Jesus and the eyewitnesses: the gospels as eyewitness testimony. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2008.

Work, Telford. "Jesus and the Eyewitnesses: The Gospels as Eyewitness Testimony." (2008): 290-295.

  • review - excellent

Baum, Armin. "The Anonymity of the New Testament History Books: A Stylistic Device in the Context of Greco-Roman and Ancient Near Eastern Literature." Novum Testamentum 50.2 (2008): 120-142.

Watty, William W. "The significance of anonymity in the Fourth Gospel." The Expository Times 90.7 (1979): 209-212.

Aland, Kurt. "The problem of anonymity and pseudonymity in Christian literature of the first two centuries." The Journal of Theological Studies (1961): 39-49.

Jokinen, Mark. "THE FOUR CANONICAL GOSPELS WERE NEVER ANONYMOUS." McMaster Journal of Theology and Ministry 15 (2013): 4.

Beck, David R. "‘Whom Jesus Loved’: Anonymity and Identity. Belief and Witness in the Fourth Gospel." Characters and Characterization in the Gospel of John 461 (2013): 221.

Pitre, Brant. The Case for Jesus: The Biblical and Historical Evidence for Christ. Image, 2016.

Goswell, Gregory. "AUTHORSHIP AND ANONYMITY IN THE NEW TESTAMENT WRITINGS." Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 60.4 (2017).


Conversion to Christianity

create new history section using Kling and these:

  • Hefner, Robert W. (1993). Conversion to Christianity: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives on a Great Transformation (illustrated ed.). University of California Press. ISBN 9780520078352.
  • Moffett, Samuel Hugh (2014). A History of Christianity in Asia, Vol. I: Beginnings to 1500. Orbis Books. ISBN 9781608331628.

[82] [83] [84] [85]



1) Mostly fundy/some evangelical scholars: Bill T. Arnold, Professor of Old Testament at Asbury Theological Seminary; Linda Belleville is Professor of New Testament & Greek at Bethel College; Barry J. Beitzel, Daniel I. Block, Darrell L. Bock is a Humboldt Scholar (Tübingen University in Germany), the author of over 40 books and commentaries; Joyce Baldwin Caine, Trinity College, Bristol; Gregory Beale, is Prof of New Testament at Westminster Theological Seminary; Craig Blomberg, Prof. Emeritus of NT at Denver Seminary; Gary M. Burge, Wheaton College, his page here refers to him as a NT scholar Philip W. Comfort, NT translator;  Peter H. Davids, Raymond Bryan Dillard, Norman Ericson, Mark D. Futato, Prof of OT at Reformed Theological Seminary; Robert P. Gordon, Robert Guelich, Fuller Theological Seminary, NT, George Guthrie, prof of NT at Regent College, Victor P. Hamilton , Harold Hoehner, J Gordon McConville is professor of Old Testament at the University of Gloucestershire; J. A. Thompson, Marianne Thompson, Hugh G. M. Williamson.

(2) scholarly evangelicals N.T.Wright, Donald Guthrie, Bruce Metzger, F.F. Bruce, Gerd Theissen, Frederic G. Kenyon, Alan Millard, James K. Hoffmeier, Harry A. Hoffner, Wayne A. Meeks, Michael R. Licona, Richard Bauckham, Paul Rhodes Eddy, Greg Boyd, Larry Hurtado, Daniel B. Wallace, Craig A. Evans, Andreas J. Köstenberger, Gregory Beale, Ben Witherington III, Michael Bird, Simon J. Gathercole, R. T. France, Raymond E. Brown, James Dunn, Martin Hengel, Chris Tilling, Richard B. Hays, Brant J. Pitre, D.A. Carson, Richard Hess, Bruce Waltke, John H. Walton, K. Lawson Younger Jr. and the incomparable John P. Meier.

3) Those at the far left: Bart Ehrman, Mitchell G. Reddish, David Oliver Smith, Marcus Borg, Johnnie Colemon, Robert W. Funk, John Dominic Crossan, Burton L. Mack, Barbara Thiering, Harold W. Attridge, Lloyd Geering, Stephen L. Harris, Robert M. Price, Karen Leigh King, Maurice Casey, James H. Charlesworth, John S. Kloppenborg, Andrew T. Lincoln, Thomas P. Nelligan, Steve Moyise, and James F. McGrath. Some of these are on the fringes of scholarship and should not be included without a caveat according to WP guidelines.



Christianization. Wikipedia:Peer review/Christianization/archive1

  • Use The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity

By Philip Jenkins to expand section on Asia per peer review

and The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity Future of Christianity Trilogy, Philip Jenkins Author Philip Jenkins

for Quora? Article X of the Formula of Concord: Therefore we believe, teach, and confess that the congregation of God of every place and every time has, according to its circumstances, the good right, power, and authority [in matters truly adiaphora] to change, to diminish, and to increase them, without thoughtlessness and offense, in an orderly and becoming way, as at any time it may be regarded most profitable, most beneficial, and best for [preserving] good order, [maintaining] Christian discipline [and for εὐταξία worthy of the profession of the Gospel], and the edification of the Church. Moreover, how we can yield and give way with a good conscience to the weak in faith in such external adiaphora, Paul teaches Rom. 14, and proves it by his example, Acts 16, 3:21, 26; 1 Cor. 9, 19. (Triglotta p. 1055)



In Conversion to C, add 

Add Psychology -

  • Bazmi, Mahsa Jabari; Khalil, Allahvirdiyani (2011). "Relationship of religious orientation (inward-outward) with depression, anxiety and stress". Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences. 30: 2047–2049.





Francis Drake


https://qr.ae/prKaxG

https://qr.ae/prMFtx

https://qr.ae/priiAy

[1] unconscious bias

Resurrection of Jesus


come back and add women to Crusading movement


“Ancient history is a global field”, p.112 MacMullen, Ramsay. "Top Scholars in Classical and Late Antiquity." History of Classical Scholarship 2 (2020): 105-114.


‘The Church’ is a term that implies a coherent organization that could ensure the uniformity of Christian teachings and practices that did not exist before the 800s.[86]

[87]

_______________________________________________________________________________________

Christianity

Christianization

Christianity and colonialism

  1. ^ Rosenwein 2014, p. 212.
  2. ^ Ullmann 1965. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFUllmann1965 (help)
  3. ^ Møller & Doucette 2022.
  4. ^ Rosenwein 2014.
  5. ^ Logan 2013.
  6. ^ Southern 2016.
  7. ^ Jordan 2004.
  8. ^ a b Rubin & Simons 2009, p. 5.
  9. ^ Rosenwein 2014, p. 189.
  10. ^ Rosenwein 2014, p. 206.
  11. ^ Rubin & Simons 2009, pp. 1–2.
  12. ^ Reitervölker im Frühmittelalter. Bodo, Anke et.al. Stuttgart 2008
  13. ^ Ullmann 1965, p. 78. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFUllmann1965 (help)
  14. ^ Ullmann 1965, p. 79. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFUllmann1965 (help)
  15. ^ a b Rubin & Simons 2009, p. 2.
  16. ^ Rubin & Simons 2009, p. 1.
  17. ^ Croke 2020.
  18. ^ Taylor 1996, p. 66.
  19. ^ Ulhorn 1883, pp. 2–44, 321.
  20. ^ Schmidt 1889, pp. 245–256.
  21. ^ Crislip 2005, p. 46.
  22. ^ Judge 2010, pp. 217–218.
  23. ^ Hopkins 1998, p. 224.
  24. ^ Dickson 2021, p. v.
  25. ^ Siker 2000, pp. 233–235.
  26. ^ a b c Brown 1998, pp. 633.
  27. ^ a b Saradi-Mendelovici, p. 47.
  28. ^ Inglebert 2015, pp. 4–5.
  29. ^ Sághy & Schoolman 2017, p. 1.
  30. ^ a b Bremmer 2020, p. 9.
  31. ^ a b Brown 1998, p. 640. Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEBrown1998640" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  32. ^ Thompson 2012, pp. 87, 93.
  33. ^ Bradbury 1995, pp. 331.
  34. ^ Bradbury 1995, pp. 355–356.
  35. ^ a b c Brown 2012, p. 77.
  36. ^ Salzman 2002, p. 182.
  37. ^ a b Cameron 2010, pp. 4, 112.
  38. ^ Maxwell 2015, pp. 854–855.
  39. ^ Maxwell 2015, p. 854.
  40. ^ Cameron 2015, pp. 10, 17, 42, 50.
  41. ^ Harper 2015, p. 685.
  42. ^ Brown 2003, p. 60.
  43. ^ Drake 2007, pp. 418, 421.
  44. ^ Southern 2015, p. 455–457.
  45. ^ Gerberding & Moran Cruz 2004, pp. 55–56.
  46. ^ Chuvin 1990, pp. 132–148.
  47. ^ Kaegi 1966, pp. 248–249.
  48. ^ Salzman 1993, p. 364.
  49. ^ a b Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. xxv.
  50. ^ a b Cameron 2011, p. 799.
  51. ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, pp. xxi, 138.
  52. ^ Boin, Douglas. A Social and Cultural History of Late Antiquity. United Kingdom, Wiley, 2018.
  53. ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. 8.
  54. ^ Irmscher, Johannes (1988). "Non-christians and sectarians under Justinian: the fate of the inculpated". Collection de l'Institut des Sciences et Techniques de l'Antiquité. 367. PARCOURIR LES COLLECTIONS: 165–167.
  55. ^ Cite error: The named reference Mulryan was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  56. ^ a b Bayliss, p. 65.
  57. ^ Raschle & Dijkstra 2020, p. 5. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFRaschleDijkstra2020 (help)
  58. ^ a b Trombley 2001, pp. 246–282.
  59. ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. xxiv.
  60. ^ Bayliss 2004, p. 110.
  61. ^ Cite error: The named reference Joannou was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  62. ^ Brown 1998, p. 638.
  63. ^ a b Brown 1993, p. 90.
  64. ^ a b Brown 1998, p. 634.
  65. ^ MacMullen, Ramsay (1997) Christianity & Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries, Yale University Press
  66. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference Sághy was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  67. ^ a b Brown 1998, pp. 641.
  68. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference OHLA-2015 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  69. ^ Stark 1996, p. 5.
  70. ^ Brown 1998, pp. 632–635.
  71. ^ Salzman 2006, pp. 266–267, 272, 285.
  72. ^ Bayliss, p. 68.
  73. ^ Bayliss, p. 70.
  74. ^ Lenski, Noel. "Noel Lenski". Yale Department of Classics. Yale University. Professor of Classics and History.
  75. ^ Lenski, Noel, ed. (2006). "Introduction". The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine (Volume 13 ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521521574.
  76. ^ A. H. M. Jones, Constantine and the Conversion of Europe (University of Toronto Press, 2003), p. 73. ISBN 0-8020-6369-1.
  77. ^ Maxwell 2015, pp. 849–850.
  78. ^ Leithart 2010, p. 302.
  79. ^ Haas 2002, pp. 160–162.
  80. ^ Brown 1992, pp. 103–107.
  81. ^ mcGeough 2004, p. 248.
  82. ^ Kling 2020.
  83. ^ Gerbner 2015.
  84. ^ Hefner 1993.
  85. ^ Moffett 2014.
  86. ^ Sanmark 2004, p. 15.
  87. ^ Gregory 1986, p. 234.


Cite error: There are <ref group=note> tags on this page, but the references will not show without a {{reflist|group=note}} template (see the help page).