Oliver Keyes' (User:Ironholds) defense of Wikipedia against the recent Philip Roth controversy has drawn a significant amount of attention over the last week.
The problems between Roth, a widely known and acclaimed American author, and Wikipedia arose from an open letter he penned for the American magazine The New Yorker, and were covered by the Signpost two weeks ago. Keyes—who wrote the piece as a prominent Wikipedian but is also a contractor for the Wikimedia Foundation—wrote a blog post on the topic, lamenting the factual errors in Roth's letter and criticizing the media for not investigating his claims: "[they took] Roth’s explanation as the truth and launched into a lengthy discussion of how we [Wikipedia] handle primary sourcing."
The post quickly drew large amounts of attention, in no small part due to a tweet from Jimmy Wales ("Attention journalists: worth reading."), who has over 74,000 followers on the site.
Keyes found four major problems with Roth's piece, with most being based on factual differences between the chain of events, as documented in the article's history, and Roth's account. The fourth issue was more touchy, with Keyes asserting that Roth did not use "the normal channels"—i.e. the Open-source Ticket Requests System (OTRS)—which he claimed is on the "contact us page that readers are linked to every time they open any wikipedia page ever" (emphasis in original), but the actual email address is buried in subpages.
Keyes concludes that Wikipedia's processes worked in this case. He believes that allowing article subjects to simply email Wikipedia and have us change something, just because they said so, is wrong, because verifiability cannot be compromised—or in Keyes' words, "[we try to] ensure that readers have a hope in hell of actually checking the accuracy of our information. ... We don’t want readers to trust us. We want readers to think and be able to do their own research."
He elaborated on this view in a follow-up blog post, setting up a hypothetical situation where Wikipedia has instituted an email notification system for article subjects to provide the 'real' facts for their articles. While Keyes acknowledges the potential benefits, especially when given our current policy that values verifiability over 'the truth', he quickly showed why any model of this sort is untenable: what if an article subject wanted to falsely 'correct' their article to make themselves look better?
In what may have been the strongest language used by Keyes, he finished the post by condemning the media for simply accepting Roth's claims with no investigation of their own:
[P]eople should perhaps start having a debate about the way authors are treated in "proper" sources. The New Yorker, the Guardian, ABC News and the Los Angeles Times – all respected bodies. And all, without being able and/or willing to do their own research, happily published or republished Roth’s assertions. We rely on these organisations for reporting what our politicians do, what our armed forces do, how entities with the power of life and death over humanity are accountable to the people. And they happily gulp down the glorified press releases of anyone who offers to let them touch his Pulitzer.
And you think Wikipedia is what we should be concerned about? Fuck. That. Noise.
*drops mic*
A paper to appear in a special issue of American Behavioral Scientist (summarized in the research index) sheds new light on the English Wikipedia's declining editor growth and retention trends. The paper describes how "several changes that the Wikipedia community made to manage quality and consistency in the face of a massive growth in participation have lead to a more restrictive environment for newcomers".[1] The number of active Wikipedia editors has been declining since 2007 and research examining data up to September 2009[2] has shown that the root of the problem has been the declining retention of new editors. The authors show this decline is mainly due to a decline among desirable, good-faith newcomers, and point to three factors contributing to the increasingly "restrictive environment" they face.
First, Wikipedia is increasingly likely to reject desirable newcomers' contributions, be it in the form of reverts or deletions. Second, it is increasingly likely to greet them with impersonal messages; the authors cite a study that shows that by mid 2008 over half of new users received their first message in a depersonalized format, usually as a warning from a bot, or an editor using a semi-automated tool[3]. They show a correlation between the growing use of various depersonalized tools for dealing with newcomers, and the dropping retention of newcomers. The authors speculate that unwanted but good faithed contributions were likely handled differently in the early years of the project – unwanted changes were fixed and non-notable articles were merged. Startlingly, the authors find that a significant number of first time editors will make an inquiry about their reverted edit on the talk page of the article they were reverted on only to be ignored by the Wikipedians who reverted them. Specifically editors who use vandal-fighting tools like Huggle or Twinkle are increasingly less likely to follow the Wikipedia:Bold, revert, discuss cycle and respond to discussions about their reverts.
As a third factor, the authors note that the majority of Wikipedia rules were created before 2007 and have not changed much since, and thus new editors face the environment where they have little influence on the rules that govern their behavior, and more importantly, how others should behave toward them. The authors note that this violates Ostrom's 3rd principle for stable local common pool resource management, by effectively excluding a group that is very vulnerable to certain rules from being able to effectively influence them.
The authors recognize that automated tools and extensive rules are needed to deal with vandalism and manage a complex project, but they caution that the currently evolved customs and procedures are not sustainable for the long term. They suggest Wikipedia editors could copy the strategy of distributed, automated tools that have proven so effective at dealing with vandalism (e.g. Huggle & User:ClueBot NG) to build tools that aid in identifying and supporting desirable newcomers (a task in which Wikipedia increasingly fails[4]). Further, they recommend that the newcomers are given a voice, if indirectly via mentors, when it comes to how rules are created and applied.
Overall, the authors present a series of very compelling arguments, and the only complaint this reviewer has is that (even though three of the four were among the Wikimedia Foundation's visiting researchers for the Summer of Research 2011) they do not discuss the fact that the Foundation and the wider community has recognized similar issues, and has engaged in debates, studies, pilot programs and such aimed to remedy the issue (see for example the WMF Editor Trends Study).
Nicolas Jullien's "What we know about Wikipedia. A review of the literature analyzing the project(s)"[5] is an attempt at a "comprehensive" literature review of academic research on Wikipedia. Jullien works to distinguish his literature review from previous attempts like those of Okoli and collaborators (cf. earlier coverage: "A systematic review of the Wikipedia literature") and of Park which tend to split the literature into three main themes: (1) motivations of editors to contribute and relationship between motivation and contribution quality, (2) editorial processes and organization and its relationship to quality and (3) the quality and reliability of production.
Jullien builds on this basic framework by Carillo and Okoli, but distinguishes his from their work in several ways. First, Jullien holds that previous work has focused too little on the outputs, which his analysis emphasizes more. Second and crucially, Jullien's review is not limited to material published in journals and, as a result, is more representative of fields like computer science, HCI, and CSCW, which publish many of their most influential articles in conference proceedings. Jullien does not consider articles on how Wikipedia is used, questions of tools and their improvement, and studies that only use Wikipedia as a database (e.g., to test an algorithm). Other than this, the study is not limited to any particular field. It covers articles published in English, French and Spanish before December 2011, mostly based on searches in WebofScience and Scopus (sharing the search query used in the latter). The review is structured around inputs, processes, and outputs.
In terms of inputs, Jullien considers broad cultural factors in the broader environment and questions of why people choose to participate or join Wikipedia. In terms of process, he considers questions about the activities and roles of contributors, the social (e.g., network) structure of both the projects and the individuals who participants, the role of teams and organization of people within them, the processes around editing, creation, deletion, and promotion of articles with a particular focus on conflict, and questions of management and leadership. In terms of outputs, the paper divides publications into studies of process, Wikipedia user experience, the external evaluation of Wikipedia articles, and questions of Wikipedia coverage.
A second recent preprint by Taha Yasseri and János Kertész [6] likewise gives an overview of vast areas of recent research about Wikipedia. Subtitled "Sociophysical studies of Wikipedia" and citing 114 references, it compares some of the authors' own results on e.g. editing patterns (covered in several past issues of this research report, e.g.: "Dynamics of edit wars") with existing literature. The review focuses on quantitative data-driven analyses of Wikipedia production, reproduces and reports a series of previous analyses, and extends some of the earlier findings.
After a detailed description of how Wikipedia works, the authors walk through a series of types of quantitative analyses of patterns of editing to Wikipedia. They use "blocking" of edits to characterize good and "bad" editors and describe different editing patterns between these groups. The authors show that editors, in general, tend to edit in a "bursty" pattern with long periods of breaks and that editing tends to follow daily and weekly patterns that vary by culture. They also walk through several approaches for classifying edits by type, and discuss the characterization of linguistic features with an emphasis on readability.
Much of their article is focused on the issue of conflicts and edit warring. The authors pay particular attention both to the identification of conflicts and of controversial articles and topics and to characterizing the nature of edit warring itself. The paper ends with the description of an agent-based model of edit warring and conflict.
The International Symposium on Wikis and Open Collaboration -– "WikiSym 2012" – was held August 27–29 in Linz, Austria. The three-day conference featured research papers, posters and demonstrations, and open space discussion sessions. About 80 researchers and wiki experts from around the world attended.
WikiSym is an academic conference, now in its eighth year, that seeks to highlight research on wikis and open collaboration systems. This year’s WikiSym had a strong focus on Wikipedia research, with studies that ranged from analyzing breaking news articles on Wikipedia to looking at the behavior of Wikipedia editors and how long they stay active. In all, 17 papers focused on Wikipedia or MediaWiki, and the two keynotes also focused on Wikipedia research.
The first keynote session was given by Jimmy Wales, who discussed challenges for Wikipedia and potential research questions that matter to the Wikimedia community [2][3]; Wales focused particularly on questions around diversity of the editing body, how to grow small language communities, and how to retain editors. The closing keynote was given by Brent Hecht, a researcher from Northwestern University, who spoke on techniques for making multilingual comparisons of content across Wikipedia versions, which in turn allows researchers to identify the potential cultural biases of various Wikipedia editions. Hecht found, for instance, that (looking at interwiki links across 25 languages) the majority of Wikipedia article topics only appear in 1 language; that the overlap between major language editions is relatively small; and that the depth of geographical representation varies widely by language, which a bias towards representing the country or place where that edition's language is prominent. Hecht also compared articles on the same topic across Wikipedias to see the degree of similarity between them. Hecht described his work as "hyperlingual", developing techniques to gain a broader perspective on Wikipedia by looking across language editions. His content comparison tool can be seen at the Omnipedia site, and the WikAPIdia API software he developed can be downloaded here. (See also earlier coverage about Omnipedia: "Navigating conceptual maps of Wikipedia language editions")
In addition to the presented papers, some of which are profiled below, WikiSym has a strong tradition of hosting open space sessions in parallel with the main presentations, so that attendees can discuss topics of interest. This year’s open space topics included helping new wiki users; non-text content in wikis (including videos, images, annotations, slideshows and slidecasting); the future of WikiSym; Wikipedia bots; surveying Wikipedia editors; and realtime wiki synchronization and multilingual synchronization feedback. The conference closed with a panel session entitled "What Aren't We Measuring?", where panelists discussed and debated various methods for quantifying wiki-work (by studying editors, edits, and other metrics).
This year's WikiSym was hosted at the Ars Electronica Center in Linz, a "museum of the future" that hosts the Ars Electronica festival every year. The colorful, dramatic Ars Electronica building is in the heart of Linz, so outside of sessions conference attendees enjoyed exploring and socializing in the city center. The conference dinner was held at the Pöstlingberg Schlössl, which is accessed by one of the steepest mountain trams in the world.
WikiSym 2012 papers and poster and demonstration abstracts may be downloaded from the conference website. Next year’s WikiSym is planned for Hong Kong, just before Wikimania 2013. Updates on the schedule and important dates can be found on the WikiSym blog.
On the "Ethnography Matters" blog, participant Heather Ford looked back at the conference,[7] stating that "WikiSym is dominated by big data quantitative analyses of English Wikipedia", asking "where does ethnography belong?" and counting 82% of the Wikipedia-related papers as examining the English Wikipedia and only 18% about other language Wikipedias. A panel at WikiSym 2011 had called to broaden research to other languages (see last year's coverage: "Wiki research beyond the English Wikipedia at WikiSym").
The conference papers and posters included, (apart from several ones that have been covered in earlier issues of this report):
First Monday, the veteran open access journal about Internet topics, featured three Wikipedia-themed papers in its September issue:
This week, we tinkered with WikiProject Robotics. From the project's inception in December 2007, it has served as Wikipedia's hub for building and improving articles about robots and robotics, accumulating two Featured Articles and seven Good Articles along the way. The project covers both fictitious and real-life robots, the technology that powers them, and many of the brains behind the robotics field. Between improving articles listed in the extensive index of robotics and adding new content to the more stimulating Robotics Portal, there is no shortage of tasks the WikiProject could use help with. We interviewed Chaosdruid and N2e.
What motivated you to join WikiProject Robotics? Do you work on mechanical devices in real life?
The project is home to 2 Featured Articles and 7 Good Articles. Have you contributed to any of these? What are the greatest challenges of preparing a robotics article for FA or GA status?
How much overlap is there between WikiProject Robots and the various projects covering electronics, engineering, and software? Have there been any collaborations between these projects? What are some easy ways that members of related projects can improve robotics articles as part of the work they already do for their own project?
Are some topics in robotics better covered than others on Wikipedia? Are any types or generations of robots neglected? What needs to be done to fill gaps in Wikipedia's coverage of robotics?
How frequently does the project deal with notability issues regarding robotics? At what point do robots developed as university projects, amateur inventions, or commercial products warrant an article?
The project members have done a good job keeping the project's talk page clean. What are the benefits and dangers of rapidly archiving old discussions? What are some frequent questions asked by people new to the project?
What are the project's most urgent needs? How can without specialized knowledge in robotics help today?
Anything else you'd like to add?
Next week's interviewees were shaken, but not stirred after their interrogation. Until then, don't let us catch you spying in the archives.
Reader comments
The first potential conflict involves a contract between Roger Bamkin's company Victuallers Ltd and the government of the UK territory of Gibraltar, through the Gibraltar Tourist Board. The contract is to provide the enabling technology and the associated training of local participants for GibraltarpediA, a project launched just two months ago by the Gibraltar government after it signed a trademark agreement with the WMF. The slogan for the project is "Bridging Europe and Africa". A second COI issue concerns the use of the English Wikipedia's DYK process to gain front page exposure for a number of articles related to Gibraltar, including 17 in August.
What are quick-response (QR) codes? Central to the two Wikipedia town projects is QRpedia, a mobile Web-based system for using QR codes to deliver Wikipedia articles to visitors – often tourists – in their preferred language. Specialised plaques, each containing a unique code, are installed at locations of interest; when a visitor holds their smartphone in front of the plaque, this triggers instant access to a Wikipedia article about the location. QRpedia was conceived by Roger Bamkin and coded by Terence Eden last year, and is also in use at institutions including museums in the UK, the US, and Spain.
According to Gibraltarpedia.org (which redirects to an English Wikipedia page), the more recent project "aims to cover every single notable place, person, artefact, plant and animals [sic] in Gibraltar in as many languages as possible", and will be "at least three times the size of MonmouthpediA".
However, QR tourism isn't all plain sailing. The BBC's technology news site says:
[O]nce all the landmarks are equipped with codes and all the articles are written, other factors need to be dealt with for the project to take off. Roaming charges may deter visitors from connecting to the web – and the government of Gibraltar says it is considering the possibility of free wi-fi. Also, tourists should be familiar with QR codes and be willing to use them. Although people may be used to seeing them, not many in the Western world actually scan them.
On the upside, the article says that QR technology "will be integrated into Apple's Passbook ticket/coupon wallet service, available on the forthcoming iOS6 operating system".
However, things started to unravel with a post at the DYK talk page on 14 September regarding multiple nominations for coveted main-page exposure through that forum, in which Roger promoted an article he himself wrote. This is contrary to DYK rules, although Roger has pointed out that he rescinded the nomination. Apparently 17 Gibraltar-related nominations were pushed through during August, and it appears that the DYK procedures have been used in a way that minimises the review process and maximises the promotion to the main page of articles on this topic – chiefly by cross-nomination and cross-reviewing. This comes after a succession of disputes during the past few years about the practice by some editors of launching large numbers of nominations on the same topic-areas at DYK.
Roger told the Signpost:
John Cummings and I are not being paid to edit wikipedia. We are being paid to organise the project, enabling and helping individuals within different communities to join together, the global, virtual world of Wikipedia editors, and the people of Gibraltar and the surrounding regions in Europe and Africa. My motivation is to inspire people and organisations to acquire and distribute knowledge freely throughout the world.
I did make a mistake in creating articles on DYK – two articles this month that included a Gibraltar cave that tourists cannot go into and a WWII destroyer named after an old name for Gibraltar. I did this out of enthusiasm and interest in a new subject. I have volunteered to not edit DYK on Gibraltar related subjects.
The Signpost notes that this statement was made despite the fact that paid editing is currently permissible on the English Wikipedia.
Discussion on Jimmy's talk page has since grown in size and vitriol ("whore", "witch hunt"). There have been accusations that Roger "may be slanting information in a fairly subtle way in some Gibraltar-related article[s]", and a proposal that he "suggest edits rather than making them himself on any topic related to Gibraltar". One editor wrote that "while it is possible that what Roger is doing may be legal in the most narrow of senses, it is totally unethical: it is clear that he should step down NOW from any position of trust or responsibility in any Wikimedia operation, AND should cease to edit any article where he is operating as a paid agent of the subject ...". Roger also received strong support from some editors ("One fact that I am certain of is that Roger is an honourable man, and I would expect him to be perfectly capable of giving paid advice to Gibraltar without taking on any of the editing obligations that you seem to imagine").
The situation, by now a swirling quandary concerning the relationship between WMUK, the Gibraltar government, Victuallers Ltd (and Roger's associates), and his role as a Wikipedia editor, has not been helped by statements by Gibraltar's minister for tourism, Neil Costa, as reported in the Gibraltar newspaper Vox. At the same time as encouraging Gibraltans to open an account on Wikipedia to contribute "photos and information on the sites, history and so on", Costa apparently said, "We will have millions of people onto the GibraltarpediA once the product has spiralled. ... So one of the great decisions the Tourist Board has is effectively marketing but done at the lowest possible cost, and this is exactly what this achieves in a very revolutionised way. ... GibraltarpediA will encourage tourists to come to Gibraltar without having to do so through a package tour."
To make matters worse, Gibraltar's Director of Heritage, Professor Clive Finlayson, is reported in the Gibraltar Chronicle as noting that concern was expressed that volunteers who do not have Gibraltar's best interest at heart may write untrue or negative articles. (The continued British claim to ownership over the territory has been the subject of friction with the Spanish authorities for decades.) Finlayson said, "The people from Wikipedia UK have guaranteed to us that this has an element of self-regulation and we want to encourage many local volunteers to keep an eye on what is going on, and if things go on that is nasty, then it is very easy for them to go back to the earlier page in seconds."
On the same day, Chris Keating, Chair of WMUK, put out a statement on the matter, saying among other things that:
Wikimedia UK's sole involvement with [GibraltarpediA] to date has been the despatch of a few booklets. ... An agreement between Roger and Terence on the one hand and Wikimedia UK on the other is in the works, shouldn't take more than a few weeks to finish off, and will provide a firm basis for the growing use of Wikipedia-linked QR codes in future. ... Our conflict of interest policy is available here and is supported by the Declarations of Interest register here. The Conflict of Interest policy is modelled quite closely on Charity Commission guidance and is very clear that [if board members] have a conflict of interest ... they have to recuse themselves. We have followed this policy in all discussions related to the subjects mentioned in this thread. ... There is some debate on the Board about whether we need to develop this policy further, and members' views are welcome. [Links piped by the Signpost]
Roger declares his paid consultancies for both Monmouthshire county council and the Gibraltar government; this includes a statement that "there is no known COI as WMUK does not have a relationship with this Government but it is hoped that one may develop." A press release by the board last Friday states:
Roger has always been open with Wikimedia UK about his commercial interests and has declared them in public at appropriate times. He has not voted in any Wikimedia UK decisions about Monmouthpedia since the start of his consultancy relationship with MCC or on any decisions about Gibraltarpedia or QRpedia. ... Roger has not received any Wikimedia UK funds for any of these projects, except for out-of-pocket expenses incurred in his role as a volunteer in the early development stages of Monmouthpedia before becoming a consultant, paid in line with our normal expenses policy.
However, a member of WMUK has told the Signpost he believes the board is naive about conflict of interest, and that all chapters and the foundation need to learn lessons from this scenario. It is not good enough, he said, to disclose potential conflicts and to have COI policies if people in leadership positions don't understand COI.
This appears to be confirmed by the fact that by 30 June, Roger had already offered his resignation to the board twice, clearly perceiving that there might be a COI in his emerging extra roles. A single diff, then, is evidence that the problem is systemic, and at least partly exonerates Roger from responsibility for COI – at least in relation to his continued board membership. Further, he stated on 19 September on Jimmy's page: "When I stood for the board last time I clearly made the point that I would have COI issues but I wouldn't have undeclared COI issues."
That the problem might be systemic resonates with recently blogged complaints by ex-WMUK treasurer Thomas Dalton that for WMUK "too much happens without proper thought and oversight, which has resulted in serious mistakes being made"; and that the chapter needs to give itself "the time to think about where we are and where we are going otherwise everything will spiral out of control".
The controversy has already received coverage in the press and online, including stories by the notorious FoxNews ("Jimmy Wales 'disgusted' as trustee accused of editing for profit"), PCWorld ("Wikipedia contributors debate whether it's okay to pay for posts"), and "Corruption in Wikiland? Paid PR scandal erupts at Wikipedia" and "Wikipedia honcho caught in scandal quits, defends paid edits" by CNET tech writer Violet Blue, among dozens of other outlets that together represent significant publicity value for Roger Bamkins's IT consultancy.The Signpost asked Geoff Brigham, the foundation's chief counsel, whether the foundation has any formal relationship with the Gibraltar Tourist Board:
The Wikimedia Foundation signed a trademark agreement with the government of Gibraltar, as represented by the Gibraltar Tourist Board, for a limited term use (one year) of the Wikipedia trademarks as part of the Gibraltarpedia project. As with most trademark agreements, the Foundation protects its marks by a detailed license which among other things, requires compliance with any reasonable requests of the Foundation, as well as with the Foundation’s Trademark Policy. This ensures that use of the marks upholds the reputation of the Foundation and limits confusion as to affiliation, and enables the Foundation to end relationships where there has been a material breach of the agreement or where use of the mark is out of line with the Foundation's mission.
We understand that QR plaques are being used in the UK, the US, India, Germany, Spain, Russia, Serbia, Estonia, Australia, and Hungary. Usage appears to be encouraged by a how-to page, complete with a gallery of examples that include the WMF trademark. Nowhere on that page or WikiProject QRpedia is there mention of the need to obtain trademark agreements from the WMF to use the Wikimedia trademarks on QRpedia installations.
The Signpost asked Geoff Brigham whether the foundation has a legal agreement concerning all uses of its logo on the plaques that are enabling components of the QRPedia technology:
There are no legal agreements in place between the Wikimedia Foundation and QRPedia. We would encourage anybody using Wikimedia trademarks for plaques to contact us so we can review and hopefully give approval in appropriate cases that advance our mission.
We have had several email exchanges with Roger, who pointed out the enormous advantages to the movement that are likely to flow from the innovations for which he and his colleagues have largely been responsible.
Late last month, the "Technology report" included a story using code review backlog figures – the only code review figures then available – to construct a rough narrative about the average experience of code contributors. This week, we hope to go one better, by looking directly at code review wait times, and, in particular, median code review times
To this end, the Signpost independently analysed data from the first 23,900 changesets as they stood on September 17, incorporating some 66,500 reviews across 32,100 patchsets. From this base, changes targeted at branches other than the default "master" branch were discarded, as were changesets submitted and reviews performed by bots. Self-reviews were also discarded, but reviews made by a different user in the form of a superseding patch were retained. Finally, users were categorised by hand according to whether they would be best regarded as staff or volunteers.[nb 1] Although this week's article focuses mainly on so-called "core" MediaWiki code, future issues will probe extension-related statistics.
WMF bosses will, on the whole, be pleased with the final figures. 50% of revisions to core MediaWiki code submitted during August was reviewed for the first time in just 3 hours 30 minutes, with 25% being reviewed in 20 minutes and 75% within 27 hours. These figures were similar across both first patchsets and later amendments, and similar with regard to slight changes in what qualified as "a review".[nb 2] The relevant trend over time is considered in the following tables. On the left is review time across all patchsets submitted to core; with the right hand table, just the first patchset in any given changeset is included.
Month | 25% | Median | 75% | Current mean |
---|---|---|---|---|
May | 42 minutes | 4 hours and 25 minutes | 1 day, 11 hours and 27 minutes | 3 days, 3 hours and 38 minutes |
June | 47 minutes | 19 hours and 10 minutes | 3 days, 16 hours and 45 minutes | 5 days, 8 hours and 29 minutes |
July[nb 3] | 39–40 minutes | 7 hours and 4–8 minutes | 2 days, 5–9 hours | 2 days, 16 hours and 38 minutes |
August[nb 3] | 20–21 minutes | 3 hours and 11–29 minutes | 21–24 hours | 1 day, 11 hours and 52 minutes |
Month | 25% | Median | 75% | Current mean |
---|---|---|---|---|
May | 38 minutes | 3 hours and 27 minutes | 1 day, 5 hours and 4 minutes | 2 days, 1 hour and 58 minutes |
June | 45 minutes | 12 hours and 34 minutes | 2 days, 13 hours and 31 minutes | 3 days, 7 hours and 39 minutes |
July | 22 minutes | 3 hours and 16 minutes | 1 day, 7 hours and 21 minutes | 1 day, 17 hours and 18 minutes |
August | 19 minutes | 3 hours and 33 minutes | 19 hours and 50 minutes | 1 day, 1 hour and 26 minutes |
The data show, then, that there has been a marked improvement in getting followup patchsets reviewed quicker, while review times for "first attempt" patchsets have improved less dramatically. Other analyses are more concerning. For example, a volunteer-written patchset waits, on average (either median or mean) twice as long as a staff-written one for its first review, although the gap has closed from three times as long in June and July. Staff provide 86% of first reviews for core, with just five staff members collectively accounting for some 55% of the total.[nb 4] Moreover, even in August, more than 5% of patchsets targeted at core waited a week for their first review.
As with all large datasets, it is difficult to rule out subtle methodological issues and in any case unideal to pinpoint trends over as short a period as four months. The full data set is available upon request.
Not all fixes may have gone live to WMF sites at the time of writing; some may not be scheduled to go live for several weeks.
Fourteen featured articles were promoted this week:
Six featured lists were promoted this week:
Five featured pictures were promoted this week:
Current discussions on the English Wikipedia include: