Institutional Revolutionary Party

Institutional Revolutionary Party
Partido Revolucionario Institucional
PresidentAlejandro Moreno Cárdenas
Secretary-GeneralCarolina Viggiano Austria
Senate LeaderManuel Añorve Baños
Chamber LeaderRubén Moreira Valdez
FounderPlutarco Elías Calles
Founded4 March 1929 (as PNR)
30 March 1938 (as PRM)
18 January 1946 (as PRI)
Split fromLaborist Party
HeadquartersAv. Insurgentes Norte 59 col. Buenavista 06359 Cuauhtémoc, Mexico City
NewspaperLa República
Youth wingRed Jóvenes x México
Trade union wingConfederation of Mexican Workers
Membership (2023)1,411,889[1]
Ideology
Political positionCentre[11] or big tent[14]
National affiliation
Continental affiliationCOPPPAL[15]
International affiliationSocialist International[16]
Colours  Green   White   Red   Grey   Black
Chamber of Deputies
37 / 500
Senate
16 / 128
Governorships
2 / 32
State legislatures
184 / 1,123
Website
pri.org.mx Edit this at Wikidata

The Institutional Revolutionary Party (Spanish: Partido Revolucionario Institucional, Spanish: [paɾˈtiðo reβolusjoˈnaɾjo jnstitusjoˈnal], PRI) is a political party in Mexico that was founded in 1929 as the National Revolutionary Party (Spanish: Partido Nacional Revolucionario, PNR), then as the Party of the Mexican Revolution (Spanish: Partido de la Revolución Mexicana, PRM) and finally as the PRI beginning in 1946. The party held uninterrupted power in the country and controlled the presidency twice: the first one was for 71 years, from 1929 to 2000, the second was for six years, from 2012 to 2018.

The PNR was founded in 1929 by Plutarco Elías Calles, Mexico's paramount leader at the time and self-proclaimed Jefe Máximo (Supreme Chief) of the Mexican Revolution. The party was created with the intent of providing a political space in which all the surviving leaders and combatants of the Mexican Revolution could participate to solve the severe political crisis caused by the assassination of president-elect Álvaro Obregón in 1928. Although Calles himself fell into political disgrace and was exiled in 1936, the party continued ruling Mexico until 2000, changing names twice until it became the PRI.

The PRI governed Mexico as a one-party state for the majority of the twentieth century; besides holding the Presidency of the Republic, all members of the Senate belonged to the PRI until 1976, and all state governors were also from the PRI until 1989. Throughout the seven decades that the PRI governed Mexico, the party used corporatism, co-option, electoral fraud, and political repression to maintain political power. In particular, the presidential elections of 1940, 1952 and 1988 were characterized by massive irregularities and fraudulent practices denounced by both domestic and international observers. While Mexico benefited from an economic boom which improved the quality of life of most people and created political stability during the early decades of the party's rule, issues such as inequality, corruption, and a lack of political freedoms cultivated growing opposition against the PRI. Amid the global climate of social unrest in 1968 dissidents, primarily students, protested during the Olympic games held in Mexico City. Tensions escalated culminating in the Tlatelolco massacre in which the Mexican Army killed hundreds of unarmed demonstrators in Mexico City. Subsequently, a series of economic crises beginning in the 1970s drastically lowered the living standards of much of the country's population.

Throughout its nine-decade existence, the party has represented a very wide array of ideologies, typically following from the policies of the President of the Republic. Formed from an amalgamation of the various ideologies of the Constitutionalists, the party originated as a centre-left party on the political spectrum. It experienced a sharp, leftward turn during the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas who instituted extensive reforms, including the nationalization of Mexico's petroleum and telecommunication industries.[17] Furthermore his administration carried out extensive land reform and oversaw the largest campaign of land expropriation in Latin American history.[18][19] With his term expiring in 1940 Cárdenas left office as the final military general of the revolution and returned political power to civilian leadership. His successor Manuel Ávila Camacho, presided over a rightward shift that escalated in the 1980s. At the start of the decade, the party moved to the centre-right and later right pursuing policies such as privatizing state-run companies, establishing closer relations with the Catholic Church, and embracing free-market capitalism.[20][21][22] Subsequently, many left-wing members of the party abandoned the PRI and founded the Party of the Democratic Revolution (Partido de la Revolución Democrática, PRD) in 1989 following the controversial, and fraudulent 1988 presidential election.[23]

In 1990, Peruvian writer Mario Vargas Llosa famously described Mexico under the PRI as being "the perfect dictatorship", stating: "I don't believe that there has been in Latin America any case of a system of dictatorship which has so efficiently recruited the intellectual milieu, bribing it with great subtlety. The perfect dictatorship is not communism, nor the USSR, nor Fidel Castro; the perfect dictatorship is Mexico. Because it is a camouflaged dictatorship."[24][25] The phrase became popular in Mexico and around the world until the PRI fell from power in 2000.

Despite losing the presidency in the 2000 elections, and 2006 presidential candidate Roberto Madrazo finishing in third place without carrying a single state, the PRI continued to control most state governments through the 2000s and performed strongly at local levels. As a result, the PRI won the 2009 legislative election, and in 2012 its candidate Enrique Peña Nieto regained the presidency. However, dissatisfaction with corruption in Peña Nieto's administration, the escalation of the Mexican drug war, and rising crime led to PRI nominee José Antonio Meade losing the 2018 presidential election with the worst performance in the party's history.

  1. ^ "Padrón de afiliados".
  2. ^ Carlos Báez Silva (May 2001). "El Partido Revolucionario Institucional. Algunas Notas sobre su Pasado Inmediato para su Comprensión en un Momento de Reorientación. Los Años Recientes" (PDF). Convergencia: Revista de Ciencias Sociales. Convergencia: 5, 6. ISSN 1405-1435. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  3. ^ Daniel Bonilla Maldonado (18 April 2016). El constitucionalismo en el continente americano. Siglo del Hombre. pp. 219, 220. ISBN 9789586653862.
  4. ^ Francisco Paoli Bolio (2017). Constitucionalismo en el siglo XXI (PDF). Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de las Revoluciones de México. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  5. ^ [2][3][4]
  6. ^ José Antonio Aguilar Rivera (31 August 2016). "Nota sobre el nacionalismo claudicante". Nexos.
  7. ^ Laura Rojas (17 August 2014). "La muerte del nacionalismo revolucionario". Excélsior.
  8. ^ Juan Jose de la Cruz Arana (16 February 2012). "Autoridad y Memoria: El Partido Revolucionario Institucional". Distintas Latitudes.
  9. ^ [6][7][8]
  10. ^ "Se transforma el PRI en "socialdemócrata" por acuerdo de su comisión de deliberación – la Jornada".
  11. ^ Multiple sources:
  12. ^ Jon Vanden Heuvel, Everette E. Dennis, ed. (1995). Changing Patterns: Latin America's Vital Media: a Report of The Freedom Forum Media Studies Center at Columbia University in the City of New York. p. 20.
  13. ^ Niko Vorobyov, ed. (2019). Dopeworld: Adventures in Drug Lands. Hachette UK. ISBN 9781317755098. ... Mexico spent most of the twentieth century governed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party or PRI, a bigtent, catch-all alliance that included everyone ...
  14. ^ [12][13]
  15. ^ "¿Qué es la COPPPAL?". Archived from the original on 25 March 2012. Retrieved 16 June 2011.
  16. ^ "Full Member Parties". Socialist International. Retrieved 11 January 2016.
  17. ^ Pérez Montfort, Ricardo (30 June 2022). "Tzvi Medin y su Ideología y praxis política de Lázaro Cárdenas". Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe. 33 (1): 69–77. doi:10.61490/eial.v33i1.1753. ISSN 0792-7061.
  18. ^ Jr, Charles H. Weston (January 1983). "The Political Legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas". The Americas. 39 (3): 383–405. doi:10.2307/981231. ISSN 0003-1615.
  19. ^ Dominguez, Francisco (2018). "The sui generis Impact of the Russian Revolution on Latin America". Journal of Global Faultlines. 4 (2): 123–137. doi:10.13169/jglobfaul.4.2.0123. ISSN 2397-7825.
  20. ^ "Meade, the King of the Mexican Sandwich". El Universal. 11 January 2018.
  21. ^ Russell, James W. (2009). Class and Race Formation in North America. University of Toronto Press. p. 155. ISBN 978-0-8020-9678-4.
  22. ^ Kopstein, Jeffrey; Lichbach, Mark; Hanson, Stephen E. (2014). Comparative Politics: Interests, Identities, and Institutions in a Changing Global Order. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781139991384. Retrieved 6 April 2018.
  23. ^ Cantú, Francisco (August 2019). "The Fingerprints of Fraud: Evidence from Mexico's 1988 Presidential Election". American Political Science Review. 113 (3): 710–726. doi:10.1017/S0003055419000285. ISSN 0003-0554.
  24. ^ Terra. 2010 October 7. Vargas Llosa a 20 años de "México es una dictadura perfecta" (Vargas Llosa, 20 years after "Mexico is a perfect dictatorship").
  25. ^ El País (Madrid). 1990 September 1. Vargas Llosa: "México es la dictadura perfecta" Archived 24 October 2011 at the Wayback Machine